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The clearest example of an alternative burnout conceptualization in the extant literature that differs substantially from the psychosocial syndrome previously outlined has been forwarded by Coakley (1992) In his view, burnout is a particular type of sport termination that is sometimes observed in highly competitive youth sport This conceptualization might best be understood in terms of the colloquial shooting star metaphor, that is, athletic burnout as an unwarranted withdrawal from sport after intense involvement and substantial accomplishment Coakley postulated that the social organization and constraints of intense sport involvement disempower young athletes and restrict their opportunities for identity development beyond the athletic role In his view, athletes burn out of sport (ie, terminate their involvement) to exercise personal autonomy and explore new dimensions of themselves rather than remain in circumstances they regard to be aversive.

Figure 9.12 Circuit schematic highlighting the ESD power clamp with growable level shift trigger and power clamp output

In sum, Coakley s (1992) conceptualization of burnout amounts to nothing more than a particular type of sport dropout This sort of colloquial understanding does seem to underlie, at least in part, the interest in funding some programs of research on the matter (eg, Gould, Tuffey, et al, 1996) Nonetheless, Coakley s conceptualization contrasts noticeably with other extant conceptualizations (eg, Raedeke, 1997; Silva, 1990; Smith, 1986) where dropout is instead viewed as one potential, but not requisite, consequence of burnout but certainly not as burnout itself Indeed, athletes suffering from the burnout syndrome do not always withdraw from sport (Raedeke, 1997; Smith, 1986) It would be unfortunate if these athletes were ignored in burnout research in favor of focusing solely on shooting stars Even so, Coakley s assertions regarding possible causes of sport withdrawal may have utility for.

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There exist different kinds of sensors based on the interaction of food with electromagnetic waves, particularly: sensors using visible radiation, ultraviolet or infrared, microwaves, radiowaves, x-rays, or very high frequency waves (Nuclear Magnetic Resonance). Some applications have been available in the market for several years, particularly for laboratory use. There exist also in-line applications for foods: detection of foreign components through the application of x-rays or control of food composition by using Near Infrared (Holm 2003). Concretely, microwave spectroscopy is currently used for the determination of moisture content in some cereals and fruits (Kraszewski 1991, 1996; Kraszewski and Nelson 1992, 1993a, b, 1994; Kraszewski et al. 1998; Nelson and Bartley 2000), density determination (Kress-Rogers and Kent 1987; Kraszewski and Nelson 1992), or, for example, fruit ripening (Nelson et al. 1993, 1994, 1995, 2006, 2007). There also exist in-line applications for the meat sector for example, the evaluation of meat tenderness by using x-ray absorptiometry (Kr ger et al. 2006). Some of these applications will be described throughout this chapter.

pleading screams, no one intervened; no one even called the police. More heartening were the courageous acts of Freedom Riders and other civil rights workers, Black and White, who suffered beatings, imprisonment, and in some cases death to further the cause of racial equality in the American South. Youth were in the streets to protest the Vietnam War and to proclaim the dawning of the Age of Aquarius. The times they were a-changin . Social psychologists were asked, Why do and don t people act prosocially Before attempting to offer an answer to this question, one should probably inquire of the questioner, Why do you ask This response is necessary because the question has been asked for two very different reasons. Some have asked in order to reach the practical goal of encouraging prosocial behavior; others, in order to challenge currently dominant theories of social motivation. The dominant motivational theories in psychology, sociology, economics, and political science are rmly founded on assumptions of universal egoism (Mansbridge, 1990; Wallach & Wallach, 1983). Can one account for all prosocial behavior in terms of egoism, or must one make room for altruism as well Might there be other forms of prosocial motivation besides egoism and altruism These two reasons for asking why people act prosocially beg for very different answers. So, if one is not clear which reason lies behind the question, the answer provided may appear irrelevant and the research on which it is based misguided. To avoid such confusion, this chapter addresses the two concerns in turn rst the practical, then the theoretical.

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